Update 17

I haven’t done an update since October. So here is a round up of what’s changed since!

Three new academic articles have been uploaded

1. Contesting the ‘authentic’ community: Far-right spatial strategy and everyday responses in an era of crisis (Ince, 2011)

This article discusses AFA and the IWCA’s strategy in displacing and replacing the far-right as the radical alternative.

The idea that voting alone will eliminate far-right and fascist politics is fundamentally flawed. Politics takes place in the hearts and minds of people; in their streets, communities and homes. The struggle against the far right is in part a struggle over the spatial articulation of and claims to authenticity in differing understandings of working class values. Authenticity, I argue, is primarily a politico discursive tool to which competing politics lay claim, perching on the ill-defined border between reality and artifice.

2. The Politics and Culture of FC St. Pauli: from leftism, through antiestablishment, to commercialization (Petra Daniel & Christos Kassimeris, 2013)

Transforming football stadia to political arenas is an old phenomenon, particularly, when clubs boasting a glorious past are involved. FC St. Pauli has certainly been instrumental to developments in its immediate environment though not so much for its success on the pitch, as for the socio-political views that its fans have been projecting ever since the mid-1980s. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to contextualize the same fan (and club) ideological background that has attracted worldwide attention in the light of the game’s contemporary transformation.

3. ‘The birthplace of Italian communism’: political identity and action amongst livorno fans (Doidge, 2013)

Since the 1980s, there has been a shift to the right on the curve of Italian stadiums. Livorno stands apart as one of the few Italian clubs to maintain a resolute Communist identity. They draw on a variety of Communist images and this helps define their actions. Through political protest, charity and matchday choreographies, Livorno fans reflect and resist specific aspects of football in a globalized world.

New Posts

Visit the La Zineteca: Punk and Ska Fanzine Library, issues of Leeds United anti-fascist fanzines are now available here, The Big Issue revealed evidence of police infiltration of AFA, read what Class War had to say on Red Action and the IWCA and visit the fantastic anti-fascist resource blog called Lewisham ’77.

I have also posted two Red Action articles: Time to Dump Multi-Culturalism and Red Action on Multiculturalism.

Liverpool based Cairde na hEireann have published a report on anti-Irish racism in 2012. I found a great article on Celtic Fans Against Fascism  read it here and, lastly, I found an interesting article on Red Action and it’s support of the militant Irish Republican movement.

New Book

In the time since the last update an invaluable new resource for those wishing to learn about militant anti-fascism has been published. Largely an oral account, Physical Resistance by Dave Hann is now available. My thoughts on the book are also viewable here.

Your Archivist

Lastly, since October we have received 35,000 more views taking the archives total page views to 85,000; from New Zealand to Mozambique to Chile to Kazakhstan to Ireland and Canada.

The Archive has also received generous donations and with these funds I am looking to move to a much better, custom website in the near future.

Yours,

The Archivist.

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The lesson of “Celtic Fans Against Fascism” and Racism in Football – REPOST

The lesson of “Celtic Fans Against Fascism” and racism in football – a few thoughts.

Original Source: Football is Radical.

“The formation of TÁL and Celtic Fans Against Fascism was really the culmination of our reaction against the racism of our own supporters towards Rangers’ signing of the Black English player Mark Walters in the late 1980s.  In the first game that Walters played for Rangers at Celtic Park, many of our fans made monkey chants and threw bananas on to the trackside.  That day was one of the most depressing for the militant anti-fascists and republicans among our support…

The Irish in Scotland were themselves the victims of racism and discrimination.  Therefore, it was hypocritical, to say the least, for the second and third generation of that immigrant community to be the perpetrators of racism…

The most important aspect of all that period is that we won the political argument with the majority of fans as well as any physical confrontations with racists that resulted.  In the end, it really became “anti Celtic” to be a racist, with our fans now taking a pride in their progressive attitudes to politics and struggle.”

Excerpts from an interview with the editors of the TÁL Celtic fanzine, published in Class War in Winter 2007

This is by no means positing an answer to racism in football, but I thought the excerpt above is really interesting and useful in how we think about tackling racism as football fans and wanted to share some thoughts on it.

A really important part of this excerpt, to me, is that whilst it’s an encouraging piece about concrete anti-racist action at football in solidarity with immigrants, it also refuses to shy away from the fact that racism does exist in many football clubs – regardless of radical reputation.

When you love a football club with all the hypocrisies and split feelings that can conjure up, the first reaction is to be defensive when accusations of discrimination are levelled at a fan base.  You know that it isn’t representative of a whole fan base, but there can often (not always) be an illogical knee-jerk reaction based on loyalty.

Our club would never behave like that”.  ”It’s just a few idiots”.  ”You misheard what they were chanting.”

We’ve all heard, or maybe even made, those kind of excuses before.  As a result, it can be more convenient to ignore discrimination and save collective face rather than confront it and do something about it because of unswerving allegiance.

Reminded me of a sad time away at Millwall (I know they probably get more than their fair share of negative press so I’m not picking on them, this is just my experience) two seasons ago.  A man in the home support was openly doing monkey impressions and pointing at two black QPR fans a few rows ahead of us.  The desired victims of the abuse were livid and were held back by police and stewards as a load of us surged to the front in their defence.  One fan demanded the police do something about it – they said to “ignore it”.  From my privileged position of being a white football fan who’s never had to deal with that kind of abuse, what made it particularly fucked up to me was that the guy doing the monkey gestures was surrounded by fans who did nothing.  In front of kids, police, other fans.  He obviously felt that even completely on his own, he could behave like that in front of his own fans without any censure or retribution.  He was right, in that sense – no-one around him so much as batted an eyelid.  For the record, I have Millwall supporting friends who are all decent people who were as appalled as I was so it’s not a condemnation of the whole club and it’s support – but nonetheless, this whole incident went on with no interference from the home fans in that particular area.

Pointing out the irony of the pitch being sided with “Kick it Out” campaign boardings is a bit of a cheap shot, but it’s not surprising either.  Campaigns like this are well meaning but perhaps also foster complacency.  It’s something we can all point to and feel good about ourselves – and to some extent it is positive in that these kinds of campaigns normalise the idea of racist behaviour as abnormal, if not necessarily as unacceptable as it should be.  These campaigns rely on big gestures and the encouragement of fans to inform on others to the higher echelons of football.  Whilst this does occur sometimes, it is worthy of note that for better or worse, as a general rule, football fans do not tend to react positively to this approach.  The first thought in negative situations like this is not to run to the club or an anonymous phone line when things I do not agree with happen in the stands, and that’s the same for any other fan I’ve talked to about this kind of thing.  I’m not saying that isn’t a legitimate course of action, of course it can be – but from my experience, I wouldn’t say that notifying an FA campaign or the club direct is the first port of call for most supporters.

Why that may be is a whole debate in itself and there are many factors at play, and it isn’t something I can claim to answer.  In some sense it’s perhaps the idea that your club’s supporters are fundamentally “yours”.  I.e. you can disagree with some of them, be embarassed and offended by them, but they are still your supporters.  It’s maybe a bit like being at school – your mates may do something out of order, but in most cases, you’ll keep your mouth shut, even though you know it’s the wrong thing to do.  It doesn’t mean people do not do anything about it and don’t speak out or take action (although of course, this frequently is the case) – but fans don’t tend to go through the “official channels”.

For evidence of that, you only have to look at messageboards after violence between two clubs – both may have behaved as bad as eachother, but for all the condemnation of violence, there’s always that underlying subtext – “well yeah maybe some of our fans acted up, but we weren’t as bad as those animals from X club”.  Or how players seen as bastards one week become “your bastards” to many fans when they play for you.  The same people who booed Joey Barton or Marlon King or Lee Hughes etc. can be singing their praises when their shirt design changes.  We may try and ignore it but so often, club loyalty and fear of alienation of other supporters both play a role in how we tackle any issue in football and it shouldn’t be ignored.  It’s all well and good to say “I wouldn’t stand for this” if you’re radically inclined but football stands are, by their nature, a big mix of people and opinions. We should not underestimate the fact that many fans simply want to support their team, regardless of what is being said and done around them.

All too often, people will be offended but do nothing.  For fear of retribution from the person being discriminatory, or of “making a scene”, or just wanting to ignore it and get on with watching the game.  More fundamentally though, the perpetrators of discrimination are often as much “part” of the fanbase as you or I are.  It’s convenient for us all to shrug our shoulders and say they aren’t proper fans and be blasé about it because we and our friends aren’t the ones doing it.  They are in our stands, supporting our team and are therefore our problem.  You can’t just ignore it – the hate exists whether we turn our nose up at their fan status or not.  Whilst it might make us feel better, it certainly doesn’t address the problem and in some senses it makes it worse.  For example, for a football fan in England who is white, heterosexual and male (like me), doing nothing more than asserting my (assumed) non-discriminatory status as a ‘real fan’ is simply an expression of the privilege that discrimination rarely affects ‘people like me’.  It relegates racism to something far less serious.  It makes racism an issue of offending sensibilities and ‘fan status’ rather than a serious problem that breeds hate, excludes others and all too often leads to violence and persecution.

My point with this ramble, and that excerpt from the TÁL editors above, is that fundamentally anti racist action has to come from the fans themselves.  Celebrity, liberal anti racism campaigns do achieve a level of normalisation for not accepting racism, but it sits above the fans rather than being “of” the fans.  No different to the “Respect” campaign – well-meaning as these campaigns can be, it is telling supporters what to do, rather than supporters themselves deciding what is and is not acceptable in the stands.

Celtic fans witnessed racism in their ranks and autonomously dealt with it – through dialogue with fans, through starting a fanzine to spread the word and through confronting racists en masse in and out of the stands to draw the line that racism is not acceptable.  Crucially, from within the fan base, not from UEFA, or the SFA or whatever – but from the people you share the stands with week in and week out.  

It’s an over-simplification of course, but fundamentally, a tannoy message and a celebrity telling a racist that monkey chants aren’t acceptable doesn’t make them sit down – it’s too external.  As well intentioned as “Kick it Out” is, it ignores the relationship with the fans – it’s being expressed by the same people who fuck with our kick off times, who allow sky high ticket prices, who instruct stewards to kick people out for standing and so on – the super structure of football.  You cannot safely predict that people who are reticent, angry or ambivalent about an FA mouthpiece most of the time to sit up and take notice of the same mouthpiece when it talks sense now and again.  Legitimate or otherwise, I know from myself that football supporters are not always the most logical – risking relationships and your job to lose your voice as you watch your team lose in the rain in Hartlepool is par for the course.  It’s not to say that fans don’t necessarily care – but an important campaign can be lost in a sea of complacency and routine.  Playing the same old recorded message about abuse from the stands can just fall into the same sonic landscape of a bad tannoy system telling you not to stand or that the match ball is sponsored by a local car showroom.  It gets lost in routine and people become detached from the message.  Anti racism ceases to be about active dissent – it falls helplessly into the audio and visual spectacle of detached fan compliance.  Fundamentally, whilst campaigns like Kick it Out could be better (perhaps with UEFA actually taking racism seriously, for starters), there is not much above that that they can do.  But a majority of fans drowning out such abuse, confronting it in numbers and winning the political argument from within the stands – that tends to be a different story.

We can’t be complacent and rely on liberal campaigns, the only way to really tackle racism is for fans themselves to take responsibility for what goes on in our stands.  When people hear something at the ground that offends them and feel too nervous to speak out (confrontations at the best of times can be very intimidating, and no less so at the football), all too often nothing but an awkward silence follows.  People may not realise that they are potentially surrounded by dozens of other people in earshot who feel just as offended – but just as intimidated.  But how would they know if we don’t talk about it?  That’s why, even if you don’t think your club has a problem, that talking about discrimination with your friends in the stands, on the messageboards, in the pub and so on, is so important.  When and if something like this happens, you can know that it’s not just you – but that other supporters feel just the same way and that can make the difference between keeping your mouth shut or standing up and doing something about it.  And that’s not just at your club – people may be over-zealous about the idea of “fan community”, but actions and words spread.  If you and your friends make a stand at one game, it can inspire other clubs to do it too.  Share your experiences online or pre/post match with fans of other clubs – you’ll be surprised just how many people are interested but felt too isolated and/or needed the inspiration to do something.

Drown it out with other chants, confront the perpetrator, boo – anything to make sure that the person realises that they are disgusting and offending their own fans.  People they may see every week and love the club just as much.  It’s a first step.  So don’t assume that everything’s ok – get talking and discussing!  Create a fanzine!  Make a banner with your friends!  And that means, me, you and anyone else who enjoys going to the football – because we are all responsible for our game.

 
See also:

 

Undertones: Anti-Fascism and the Far-Right in Ireland 1945-2012

Anti-Fascist Action Ireland, related to AFA which existed in Britain, celebrated its 21st Birthday last weekend with a number of events including the launch of its pamphlet Undertones: Anti-Fascism and the Far-Right in Ireland 1945-2012.

The 100 page pamphlet has been well produced, the cover, design and colour images are excellent. Brunch Crew in Berlin help with the publishing by hosting a benefit gig in February 2012. O’Reilly, AFA Ireland and everyone who helped in the production should be proud.

The pamphlet is split into two sections: firstly, a chronological history of fascism in Ireland from 1945 to the late 90s and the second section details the origins and history of AFA Ireland through stories of events and actions. Another good aspect to the book is that O’Reilly has fully referenced all his research and claims.

This first section gives a fantastically detailed and researched history, with names, dates and addresses; yet it is easy to read and follow the chronology of the faces and groups on the far-right in Ireland. It begins with  Ailtiri na hAiseirghe in the 1940s and flows through to the National Socialist Irish Workers Party in the 1970s and the Irish fascist links to groups in the North of Ireland in the 90s.

It is in this section that O’Reilly argues that it was an IRA unit who burnt down Oswald Mosley‘s County Galway mansion in an unsanctioned operation; in previous literature it has been described as an accident (p. 7).

Its not solely Irish fascists who are detailed but also their international connections to British fascists, Mosley; American, George Lincoln Rockwell; German, Otto Strasser; plus more. After reading the section Ireland is painted as Europe’s “Argentina”.

The second section begins with the origins of AFA Ireland and ends with their most recent activity. It describes the politicisation of the young punks who would later become the founding members through Nazi stickering and a strike a the Dunnes Stores, Dublin.

The section then progresses through 25 stories of activity against the likes of David Irving, Le Pen, Immigration Control Platform, Czech neo-Nazis and anti-drugs activity.

I highly recommend buying the book. A steal at €6! Visit the AFA Ireland site and send them an email.

Here is a picture of the plaque AFA Ireland unveiled on Connolly Books, Dublin as part of its birthday celebration:

A mural to local man Bob Doyle, IRA volunteer and International Brigader, was unveiled outside The Cobblestone in Smithfield, Dublin as part of the event too.

A fantastic photo of Doyle:

Manchester United: A Lifetime on the Left

When left-wing director Ken Loach agreed to make a film about Manchester United fans, it was widely assumed that he’d done so because this gave him the opportunity to work with Eric Cantona. Looking For Eric (2009), his uplifting revenge fantasy about a down-and-out postman played by Steve Evets (a former part-time bassist with The Fall), also deals with the fall-out from the Malcom Glazer takeover. In one memorable pub scene, fans argue between themselves about the merits of supporting breakaways FC United (‘the People’s Club’). But neither the enigmatic presence of Cantona nor the unresolved FCUM dilemma provides the main focus for the film, which is the idea that only through comradeship and solidarity can certain problems be overcome. Moreover, in the climax scene (‘Operation Cantona’), the film seems to suggest that the use of violence and the threat of violence are justifiable in certain circumstances – which isn’t wholly inappropriate for a film starring Eric Cantona. As Eric the postman tells Eric the footballer, regarding his reaction to the Crystal Palace fan who’d been hurling racist abuse at him, ‘That twat got what he deserved!’

Before looking at the film and its contexts in more detail, it’s necessary to look at the historical religious and political background of the Manchester derby. Angel Meadow (to the North-East of Victoria Station) was decribed in 1847 as ‘the lowest, most filthy, and the most wicked locality in Manchester … inhabited by prostitutes, their bullies, thieves, cadgers, vagrants, tramps, and, in the very worst sties of filth and darkness, those unhappy wretches, the low Irish.’ The Manchester Irish segregated themselves and were kept at arms length by the native English, who saw them as unclean and immoral. They shared rooms and cellars in the worst slums in the city (Angel Meadow, Ancoats and Little Ireland) and they were often willing to work when others weren’t. The boss of Newton Silk Mill (in Newton Heath) explained in 1834 what he did when his English employees were on strike: ‘I send to Ireland for ten, fifteen or twenty families … the whole family comes – father, mother, and children. I provide them with money … the communications are generally made through the friends of parties in my employ. I have no agent in Ireland.’ Predictably this led to resentment and it’s thought that whilst the presence of Irish labourers didn’t lower wages in Manchester, it probably helped keep them low.

In 1867, three Irishmen were executed for their part in the murder of a police officer during a raid on a prison van containing two prominent members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (‘Fenians’). The execution took place outside the New Bailey Prison (in between Salford Central train station and the River Irwell) and the ‘Manchester Martyrs’ became legends, providing the inspiration for the Fenian anthem ‘God Save Ireland.’ The Orange Order was also prominent in Manchester and in July 1888, according to accounts in the Manchester Guardian and the Liverpool Mercury, they were the victims of a ‘pre-meditated’ sectarian attack by Irish Catholics in Ancoats. It’s often claimed that sectarianism wasn’t as big a problem in Manchester as it was in the port cities of Liverpool, Glasgow and Belfast, and this is probably true – but we shouldn’t ignore the fact that it is still a big part of Manchester’s history.

Into this heady mix came the two football clubs: Newton Heath were the works team of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railwaymen, whilst Manchester City had their roots in the (Anglican) church. When Newton Heath decided to change their name in 1902, ‘Manchester United’ was only narrowly chosen ahead of ‘Manchester Celtic’ – an indication that even back then, United were regarded as the team of Welsh, Scottish and Irish immigrants. The man thought to be behind the new name, Louis Rocca was the son of Italian immigrants raised in Ancoats. The fact that he was so closely associated with Newton Heath during their period at a new ground in Clayton (1893-1910) suggests a support base within the nearby Ancoats Irish/Italian immigrant communities.

United moved to Old Trafford in 1910 and became the natural choice of club for the Salford dockers, many of whom lived in nearby Ordsall, and workers in Trafford Park, Europe’s largest industrial estate. These were areas which would develop a reputation for industrial militancy and even links with communism, perhaps best symbolised by Yuri Gargarin’s visit in July 1961. Incidentally Maine Road, City’s ground from 1923, was in the heart of Moss Side, a heavily Irish district, which suggests that the South Manchester Irish (now spread out through Chorlton, Levenshulme and Burnage) would be more likely to support City.

As United’s chief scout, Rocca apparently set up a scouting network of Catholic priests to search for the best young players. More importantly he kept in touch with Matt Busby (who played for City from 1928 to 1936) through the Manchester Catholic Sportsmen’s Club and was a key figure in Busby’s appointment as manager in 1945. Busby was a practising Catholic of Lithuanian descent from a mining village in North Lanarkshire. His assistant Jimmy Murphy, also a practising Catholic, was from the Rhonnda Valley (although his father had emigrated from Ireland presumably to look for work in the coal mines). Their club captain Johnny Carey was from Dublin and had begun his career playing Gaelic football.

In an October 2003 article for the Manchester Evening News on the rivalry with Rangers, Stuart Brennan claims that United ‘were perceived as Manchester’s ‘Catholic’ club’ in the 1950s just as Celtic were in Glasgow. Similarly Ed Vulliamy writes in a Guardian article in May 2012: ‘Tensions between loosely Catholic Irish United and loyalist City have dissipated over time…’ This may have been because of the signing (and indeed the success) of Protestant Northern Irish players such as George Best, Sammy McIlroy and Norman Whiteside. However this only really serves to explain why United developed a much broader support base abroad. Within Manchester itself, they were probably still seen as the Irish Catholic team or (bearing Rocca in mind) the team of immigrants in general.

Sectarian tensions re-emerged in Northern Ireland after the attacks on Civil Rights marches in 1968 and the deployment of British troops in 1969. The Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, attributed to the IRA, increased anti-Irish sentiment in England and many club football fans in England began identifying with the loyalist slogan ‘No Surrender to the IRA.’ The same period also saw the rise of the far right in English towns and cities, starting with Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of blood’ speech in 1968 and culminating in the Battle of Lewisham in August 1977 between the National Front and their anti-fascist opponents. One of the best accounts of the period is ‘No Retreat: The Secret War Between Britain’s Anti-Fascists and the Far Right’ (2003) by Dave Hann and Steve Tilzey, both of whom were involved with the Socialist Workers’ Party but eschewed the more mainstream student-oriented nonviolence approach of the Anti-Nazi League and Rock Against Racism for a form of direct action resembling football hooliganism and gangsterism in its ultra-violence.

In his review of ‘No Retreat,’ far right commentator and sometime contributor to Press TV, Peter Rushton describes Manchester as ‘the capital of militant anti-fascism.’ The National Front were unable to sell their newspapers in Manchester city centre or outside the football grounds for fear of attack. A South Manchester branch of the BNP was closed down after the organiser decided it wasn’t worth making enemies with these people. It doesn’t come as a huge surprise considering the city’s history that there were close links between local Irish Republicans and militant Anti-Fascism. Manchester United fans were widely seen as more left-wing perhaps because of the club’s historic Irish Catholic links, perhaps because it was the dock workers’ club (note that many of the main left-wing clubs in Europe: Marseilles, Livorno, Feyenoord, St. Pauli, AEK Athens are linked with the dock workers).

Issue 12 of the Manchester United Anti-Fascist fanzine Red Attitude (available online at the Anti-Fascist Archive) contains an interview with Dessy Noonan, which covers the period and the politics. It should be remembered that Manchester in the late-1980s and early 1990s was more famous for its music scene, which began to overlap with the inter-locking gang wars of Salford, Cheetham Hill and Moss Side (which gave the city its nickname ‘Gunchester’). Noonan, whose brother Dominic was head doorman at the Hacienda, gave a TV interview (shortly before he was murdered in 2005) in which he boasts of having ‘more guns that the police.’ [The same programme, A Very British Gangster, features scenes of kids in United shirts playing football in Ringley Street, Harpurhey.] When asked by Red Attitude how Anti-Fascist Action had been able to prevent organised fascist groups from operating in Manchester, Noonan replies: ‘Quite simply because year after year we have out-violenced them. If they can’t operate politically without being attacked then they will struggle to attract anything more than losers and punchbags.’

In November 2004, Spike Magazine interviewed Hann and Tilzey, the authors of ‘No Retreat.’ The interview provides a useful context for the film Looking For Eric. When asked about the people they’ve ‘fought alongside,’ Hann notes: ‘We’ve had lots of football hooligans. Some of them just started out from the standpoint that they didn’t like the way the NF and the BNP were bullying people on the terraces.’ [The villian in Looking For Eric isn’t linked with the far right but he does bully Eric the postman.] They also claim that there is talk of a film being made based on the book, ‘a Ken Loach style thing.’ Whether or not Loach was ever approached about such a project, and we can assume that he may have been, Looking For Eric seems to have been heavily influenced by the idea of United fans coming together to ‘out-violence’ others for a good cause.

In the climax scene ‘Operation Cantona,’ a gang of United fans wearing Eric Cantona masks invade the villain’s house and ‘re-decorate’ it with red paint. After forcing the villain to acknowledge ownership of a gun that he’d been trying to pretend wasn’t his (and destroying the gun with a hammer), the leader of the gang, John Henshaw’s character Meatballs, tells him:

‘You don’t go near that family. You don’t go near them. You don’t look at them. You don’t talk to them. You don’t even think about them. Because you known what’ll happen? … We’re gonna turn up here with ten coachloads and we’re gonna take this house apart, brick by fuckin’ brick … And if you try and run away to some bolt-hole in Blackpool or some rabbit-hole in the Outer Hebrides, we’ll find ya. I’ll find ya – you know why? [raises hammer] ‘Cause I’m a fuckin’ postman!’

At this point, the gang of Cantona-masked intuders break into a round of applause and Meatballs (wearing his FC United shirt) predictably leads them on in a rousing chorus of ‘Ooh Aah Cantona.’

The film’s message is not anti-fascist, it is anti-bullying. But it does raise some interesting questions: Did Ken Loach consider making a film about Anti-Fascist Action? And to what extent was he influenced by the links between the United fans and AFA? I would imagine Loach, whilst sympathetic to the aims and achievements of AFA, probably feels more comfortable with the Ghandi-inspired ideal of nonviolence. Whilst it is incredibly violent, ‘Operation Cantona’ is ultimately a comic scene and Looking For Eric is hardly a left-wing version of The Football Factory.

Meanwhile it seems left-leaning United fans have abandoned the Glazer-owned club for FCUM, where a red-and-black Sandinista banner bears the Anti-Fascist slogan ‘No Pasaran.’

By Tom Riley

 

This article is from In Bed with Maradona.  

Leaflets

This post will feature anti-fascist leaflets. It will be updated repeated, so check the weekly updates for changes to it!

  1. C-18: Back to Basics (AFA, 1994)
  2. Celtic Anti-Fascists (Celtic AF, 1995)
  3. Time for Change? What Supporting the BNP Means for You (AFA, 1992-1994?)
  4. Nothing to Lose but your Lollipops (AFA, 1994) 
  5. Pat Crerend He’s Yer Man! (Red Attitude suppliment, ?)
  6. Red Action Manchester Bulletin #9 (Red Action, 1994)
  7. The Independent Working Class Association (IWCA, 1995?)
  8. Tories in Flight Jackets (AFA, 1995-1997?)
  9. Whats the Best Way to beat the Fascists? The Working Class, Anti-Fascism and the SWP. (Red Action, 1991-1992?)
  10. John Hamilton: Wanted Dead!
  11. AFA leaflet on Saranjit Singh’s murder (1988)
  12. Stop the BNP: Tyndall By-Election AFA leaflet
  13. London AFA leaflet on the Jailing of 3 Anti-Fascists
  14. AFA poster: The Only Good Fascists is a Dead Fascist
  15. Freedom of Movement poster. 

Thanks to SM for 1-9!!!
Thanks to ST for 10!
Thanks to for 11-15!!

Academic Works and Articles

This will be a list of academic studies which will be of interest to those wanting to study militant anti-fascism.

If you have written an essay which is of good quality or contains original research please email: antifascistarchive@gmail.com.

Essays not written by academics

On the Principles of Political Violence and the Case of Anti-Fascist Action (The Archivist, 2012)

“Taking It Back, Making It Strong!”: The Boundary Establishment And Maintenance Practices Of A Montréal Anti-Racist Skinhead Gang

The National Front and British National Party on Merseyside. A Geography of Political Extremism

Blackshirts in Red Scotland: an analysis of fascism and its opponents in inter-war Scotland

Articles on Anti-Fascism
1920-1945

Communists and the Inter-War Anti-Fascist Struggle in the United States and Britain (Copsey, 2011)

Anti-Fascist Activity in Manchester’s Jewish Community (Gewirtz)

1946 – 1959

“Class Before Race”: British Communism and the Place of Empire in Postwar Race Relations (Smith, 2008)

1960 – 1979

Conflicting Narratives of Black Youth Rebellion in Modern Britain (Smith)

A Bulwark Diminished: The Communist Party, the SWP and anti-fascism in the 1970s. (Smith)

Bridging the Gap: The British Communist Party and the limits of the state in tackling racism (Smith)

Are the Kids United? The Communist Party of Great Britain, Rock Against Racism and the Politics of Youth Culture (Smith)

1968 – Too Little and Too Late? The Communist Party and Race Relations in the Late 1960s (Smith, 2008)

When the Party Comes Down: The CPGB and Youth Culture, 1976-1991 (Smith)

Witness Seminar: Anti-Fascism in 1970s Huddersfield (2006)

1980 – date

Anti-Fascist Action: Radical Resistance or Rent-a-Mob? (Hayes and Alyward, 2000)

Marching Altogether? Football fans taking a stand against racism (Thomas, 2010)

When the Whites When Marching In: Racism and Resistance in English Football (Greenfield and Osborn, 1996)

Glasgow Celtic Fans, Political Culture and the Tiocfaidh Ar La Fanzine: Some Comments and a Content Analysis (Hayes, 2006)

The Limits of National Memory: Anti-Fascism, The Holocaust and the Fosse Ardeatine Memorial in 1990s Italy (Clifford, 2008)

Neo-Nazism, Holocaust Denial and UK Law (Cohn-Sherbok, 2010)

Choosing Social Justice over Hate Two Stories of Community Success in the Pacific Northwest (Stewart, 2010)

The Politics and Culture of FC St. Pauli: from leftism, through antiestablishment, to commercialization (Petra Daniel & Christos Kassimeris, 2013)

‘The birthplace of Italian communism’: political identity and action amongst livorno fans (Doidge, 2013)

Contesting the ‘authentic’ community: Far-right spatial strategy and everyday responses in an era of crisis (Ince, 2011)

Articles on Fascism
1920-1945

The Swastika and the Shamrock: British Fascism and the Irish Question, 1918-1940 (Douglas, 1997)

Opposition to the New Party: an incipient anti-fascism or a defence against ‘Mosleyitis’? (Copsey, 2009)

“Apostles of Fascism,” “Communist Clergy,” and the UAW: Political Ideology and Working-Class Religion in Detroit, 1919–1945 (Pehl, 2012)

1946-1959
1960-1979

Ulster Unionists in America, 1972-1985 (Wilson, 2007)

Shot By Both Sides: Punk, Politics and the End of ‘Consensus’ (Worley, 2012)

1980 – date

Patterns of Racism: Interviews with National Front Members (Billig, 1978)

Extreme music for extreme people? Norwegian black metal and transcendent violence (Phillipov, 2011)

Voice of our blood: National Socialist discourses in black metal (Olson, 2011)

Continental Divide: Immigration and the New European Right (Rosenthal, 2011) 

Visions of Hate: Explaining Neo-Nazi Violence in the Russian Federation (Arnold, 2010)

Anti-Zionism and the Italian Extreme Right (Chiarini, 2008)

Right-Extremism in Germany: Recruitment of New Members (Braunthal, 2008)

At the Roots of the New Right-Wing Extremism in Portugal: The National Action Movement, 1985-1991 (Marchi, 2010)

Australian Fascism? A Revisionist Analysis of the Ideology of the New Guard (Cunningham, 2012)

Colin Jordan’s ‘Merrie England’ and ‘Universal Nazism’ (Jackson, 2011)

The EDL: Britain’s New Far Right Social Movement (Jackson, 2011)

Negotiating White Power Activist Stigma (Simi, 2009)

The Nationalist Party of America: Right-Wing Activism and Billy Roper’s White Revolution (Dentice, 2011)

Computer-Mediated False Consensus: Radical Online Groups, Social Networks and News Media (Wojcieszak, 2011)